Baath party

The constant struggle to promote interests has cultivated the creation of the Baath Party. By incorporating the proper ideals prescribed by the founders and promoting efficient measures to address these issues, the Baath party became a dominant force both in local and international politics. History Tracing the history of the party can be dated back from the early 1940’s. Its primary location of founding was in Damascus wherein the fundamental beliefs were grounded on the idea of socialism.â€Å"The Ba'ath Party is a pan-Arab organisation formed in 1947 at a founding congress in Damascus. † (Issues Briefs, 2007, p. 1) â€Å"The three major proponents of early Baathist thought, Zaki al-Arsuzi, Salah al-Din al-Bitar, and Michel Aflaq, were middle-class educators whose political thought had been influenced by Western education. † (The Syrian Encyclopedia, p. 1) The political ideals promulgated by the party then spread into the areas of Syria and expanded in other Ar ab countries. The history of Baathist’s party in Syria can be described as a constant struggle for power.It all started in 1958. â€Å"In 1958—with one of its founders, Salah al-Din Bitar, as foreign minister—it led Syria into the ill-fated United Arab Republic (UAR) with Egypt. † (Infoplease, 2005, p. 1) The next stage of its rise was during the successful coup attempt by the members of the party. â€Å"In 1963 a military coup restored the Ba’ath to power in Syria, and it embarked on a course of large-scale nationalization. † (Infoplease, 2005, p. 1) Another military takeover again prompted the revitalized ideologies of the Ba’ath party during the 70’s.â€Å"Despite constant maneuvering and government changes, the two factions remained in an uneasy coalition of power until 1970, when, in another coup, Assad succeeded in ousting Atassi as prime minister. † (Infoplease, 2005, p. 1) The next section will present the histor ical foundation of the party in Iraqi politics. The founding of the party in Iraq can be attributed to three men who formed the Ba’ath party. â€Å"The three men, Fayiz Ismail, Wasfi al-Ghanim and Sulayman al-Eisa – returned to Syria and joined political scientist Zaki al-Arsoozi, who was intent on founding al-Baath (renaissance) party.† (Aljazeera. net, 2005, p. 1) The formal establishment of the party in Iraq came into force during 1949. â€Å"Upon their return to Baghdad in 1949, they established the Iraqi Baath Party. † Their efforts never became unnoticed for they were recognized by the grand party in Syria. â€Å"The party membership grew steadily from just 50 members in 1951 until they gained recognition by the Baath National Leadership in Damascus. † (Aljazeera. net, 2005, p. 1) Ideologies The Ba’ath party’s ideology revolves around the promotion of Arab nationalism.â€Å"Articulated as the principle of Arab nationalism, the Baath movement was one of several political groups that drew legitimacy from an essentially reactive ideology. † (The Syrian Encyclopedia, p. 1) Their principles are deeply rooted on Arab ideals and political stratification and cooperation. â€Å"The Baath party embraced the principles of â€Å"unity, freedom, and socialism. † (Aljazeera. net, 2005, p. 1) â€Å"From its earliest development, the motivation behind Baathist political thought and its leading supporters was the need to produce a means of reasserting the Arab spirit in the face of foreign domination.† (Iraqi News, 2003, p. 1) In addition, the party seeks to revitalize Arab ideals and foster a deeper invigoration of principles within the community. â€Å"Arabs needed a regeneration of the common heritage of people in the region to drive off debilitating external influences. † (Iraqi News, 2003, p. 1) With these, the party started to create mechanisms and practices to synchronize each party†™s goals in every state. â€Å"In early 1988, the Baath Party began calling for parallelism between regional (qutri) and national (qawmi) goals. † (Aljazeera.net, 2005, p. 1) Scope and Influences in other Countries It has been mentioned on the previous section that Baathist principles have also paved the way for its expansion to other Arab states. The Ba’ath party refers this as national branches. One example of its national branch is in Jordan. â€Å"It was with the annexation of the West Bank (with its large Palestinian population) that the Ba'th Party really grew strong in the country's nationalist-leftist alliance. † (Encyclopedia of the Orient, 2007, p. 1) Another national branch was in Lebanon.â€Å"The Arab Ba'th Party was established in 1948, but in the following year, when international parties were banned, their freedom was limited. † (Encyclopedia of the Orient, 2007, p. 1) Notable successes were highlighted in this country. â€Å"Lebanon wa s used for the Ba'th Party's congresses in 1959 and 1968. † (Encyclopedia of the Orient, 2007, p. 1) Other national branches include of North Yemen and South Yemen. Conclusion The Ba’ath party has a long and rich history which can be attributed to a mixture of failures and successes in Arab politics.As continuous developments occur both in the local and international arena, the Ba’ath party shall continue to exhibit and promote its ideologies that will enhance and protect the interests of the Arab countries both locally and internationally. It is through these objectives that they continue to have a firm grip and hold in local politics in the Arab countries. References Aljazeera. net (2005) ‘The Iraqi Baath Party’ in Aljazeera. [online] Retrieved December 18, 2007 from http://english. aljazeera. net/English/archive/archive? ArchiveId=60 Encyclopedia of the Orient. (2007) Ba’ath Socialist Party’ in Encyclopeadia of the Orient.Retrieved D ecember 18, 2007 from http://i-cias. com/e. o/baath. htm Infoplease. (2005) Ba’ath Party. Retrieved December 18, 2007 from http://www. infoplease. com/ce6/history/A0805601. html Iraqi News. (2003) Al-Baath Party. [on-line] Retrieved December 18, 2007 from http://www. iraqinews. com/party_baath_party. shtml Issues Briefs. (2007) History of the Ba’ath Party. Retrieved December 18, 2007 from http://issuesbriefs. nationalforum. com. au/war-in-iraq/baath. html The Syrian Encyclopedia. Baath Party. Retrieved December 18, 2007 from http://www. damascus-online. com/se/hist/baath_party. htm

Rurality in Post Industrial Society

Paper prepared for the conference ‘New Forms of Urbanization: Conceptualizing and Measuring Human Settlement in the Twenty-first Century’, organized by the IUSSP Working Group on Urbanization and held at the Rockefeller Foundation’s Study and Conference Center in Bellagio, Italy, 11-15 March 2002. Paper 14 THE NATURE OF RURALITY IN POST INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY By David L. Brown and John B. Cromartie? Draft 2/15/02 INTRODUCTION Urbanization is a dynamic social and economic process that transforms societies from primarily rural to primarily urban ways of life (Hauser, 1965). Few would dispute this definition, but how useful is it for examining the spatial reorganization of population and economic activities in postindustrial societies where a large majority of people, jobs, and organizations are concentrated in or dominated by urban agglomerations? The essence of this question hinges on our ability to differentiate between what is rural and urban in postindustrial societies. While this may have been a relatively straightforward task during the late 19th and early to mid 20th centuries, it has become an exceedingly complex question in the context of postindustrialization. We acknowledge the helpful comments of Calvin Beale, Kai Schafft, Laszlo Kulcsar, and the conference organizers Tony Champion and Graeme Hugo. Brenda Creeley prepared the manuscript. Early social scientists saw urbanization and industrialization as being reciprocally related. One process could not proceed without the other. While most scholars understood that urban and rural were not ent irely discrete categories, relatively clear lines could be drawn to distinguish urban from rural communities and distinct ways of life associated with each. In addition, early social scientists were convinced that the transformation from rural to urban-industrial society would be accompanied by a wide range of negative social outcomes. In fact, this concern is generally credited with motivating the rise of the new discipline of Sociology (Marx, 1976; Durkheim, 1951; Weber, 1968; Wirth, 1938). The social and economic organization of community life has been thoroughly transformed by technological and institutional changes since the mid 20th century. Accordingly, notions of what constitutes urban and rural communities that grew out of the era of industrialization may no longer offer a reliable lens with which to view contemporary settlement structures. They may no longer provide a reliable delineation of what is urban and what is rural, and consequently we may not be able to determine whether the level of urbanization is advancing, declining, or remaining constant. As a consequence, our analyses of population redistribution may bear little connection to the reality of spatial reorganization. The large literature on counter-urbanization, to which we are both contributors, may be missing the mark because it depends on data systems and geo-coding schemes that reflect a prior era of socio-spatial organization. Hence, our purpose in this paper is to propose a multidimensional approach for conceptualizing rurality that reflects the demographic, social, economic and institutional realities of postindustrial society. We agree with Halfacree (1993: p. 4) that â€Å"†¦the quest for an all-embracing definition of the rural is neither desirable nor feasible,† but we believe that social science can and should develop conceptual frameworks and geo-coding schemes to situate localities according to their degree of rurality. Since rurality is a multidimensional concept, the degree of rurality should be judged against a composite definition that includes key social, economic and demographic attributes. This approach rejects the notion of rural as a residual (after urban has be en measured). The operationalization of rurality should be flexible enough to differentiate urban from rural, while recognizing and appreciating the diversity contained within each category. Our approach to defining 2 rurality involves the material aspects of localities, but we acknowledge the validity of other approaches. As Halfacree and others have observed, rurality can be defined as a social representation. Or as he puts it, â€Å"the rural as space, and the rural as representing space† should be distinguished (1993: 34). We do not propose to debate the relative merits of the material and representational approaches in this paper. Each has a respected tradition in social science. Our sociodemographic approach is inspired by previous work of Paul Cloke, 1977 and 1986, while the social representation approach’s pedigree includes Moscovici, 1981, Giddens, 1984, and many other highly respected scholars. We feel that these approaches are complementary rather than competitive. As Martin Lewis has observed, â€Å"In the end, only by combining the insights of the new geography with those of the traditional approaches may human relatedness be adequately reconceptualized† (1991: 608). However, we emphasize the socioeconomic approach in this paper because of its utility for informing statistical practice essential to the quantitative empirical study of urbanization. Why Do We Need To Know What Is Rural In Postindustrial Society? At the most basic level, urbanization cannot be understood without also examining the nature of rurality. Perhaps it is axiomatic, but urbanization cannot proceed in postindustrial society unless rural people and communities persist and are at risk of â€Å"becoming urban. While there is copious evidence that rural-urban differences have diminished during the latter half of the 20th century, important differences have been shown to persist structuring the lives people live and the opportunities available to them (Brown and Lee, 1999; Fuguitt, et al. , 1989). In addition, what we believe about rural people and communities sets the agenda for public policy. The American public, for example, holds a strong pro-rural and/or antiurban bias that provides continuing support for agricultural and rural programs (Kellogg Foundation, 2002; RUPRI, 1995; Willits, et al. 1990), and quite possibly promotes population deconcentration (Brown, et al. , 1997). However, research has demonstrated that this pro-rural bias is based on nostalgic positive images of rural places, and a misunderstanding of the social and economic realities of rural life (Willits, et al. , 1990). What people value in rural communities is often formed â€Å"at a distance,† through literature, art and music, not through actual experience. As John Logan (1996: 26) has observed, â€Å"A 3 large share of what we value is the mythology and symbolism of rural places, rather than their reality. Accordingly, more reliable research-based information about the social and economic organization of rural areas, their role in national society, polity and economy, and their relative share of a nation’s population and economic activity will provide a stronger bas is for public policy. Bringing beliefs about rural areas into closer connection with empirical reality will improve the fit between rural problems and opportunities, public priorities, and the targeting of public investments. HOW CAN THE NATURE OF POSTINDUSTRIAL RURALITY BE DETERMINED? The Conventional Approach: Rural-urban classification in most national statistical systems typically involves two mutually exclusive categories. In most highly developed societies, (North America, Western Europe, Oceania, and Japan) the rural-urban delineation is based solely on population size and/or density (United Nations, 1999). It is not that government statisticians don’t understand that rurality is a variable not a discrete dichotomy, that the rural-urban distinction is somewhat arbitrary regardless of the population size or density threshold chosen, or that neither the rural nor the urban category is homogeneous. However, given their responsibilities for monitoring basic aspects of social organization and social change, and for providing data tabulations to the public, to businesses, and to other government agencies, the elemental need is to develop a geographic schema that makes intuitive sense, and where between category variability exceeds internal differentiation. It has not been realistic to expect statistical agencies to adopt a complex multidimensional delineation of rurality given the realities and politics of statistical practice in which budget constraints, and competition between stake holder groups determine which items are included on censuses and other large scale public surveys, and which variables are routinely included in tabulations and data products. However, the development of GIS techniques, and new advances in small area data collection and availability suggest that more flexibility and variability in geo-coding may be possible in the future. Hence, while we do not necessarily expect statistical agencies to adopt our multidimensional approach, we believe that it raises important questions about conventional methodologies for assessing the level and pace of urbanization in highly developed nations. 4 OMB’s New Core Based System: A Step In The Right Direction: The public availability of summary tape files from censuses and other nationwide surveys, provides significant opportunities for inquiry by university-based and government scientists into the extent and nature of rurality in postindustrial societies. In effect, analysts can design their own residential categorization schemes to examine various aspects of settlement structure and change. And, innovative research experimenting with alternative categorization systems can eventually contribute to changes in official statistical practice. For example, 25 years of research by social scientists in the USDA’s Economic Research Service (ERS) and in academia is ar guably responsible for persuading the U. S. Office of Management and Budget (OMB) that an undifferentiated nonmetropolitan category is not defensible (Duncan and Reiss, 1956; Butler and Beale, 1994). As early as 1975, ERS was recommending that the nonmetropolitan category be disaggregated according to the degree of urbanization. In a major publication released in that year, Hines, Brown and Zimmer showed that more populous nonmetropolitan counties, especially those adjacent to metropolitan areas, were more similar to metropolitan areas than to their nonmetropolitan counterparts. OMB has now modified its official geo-coding scheme to recognize diversity within nonmetropolitan America. OMB has instituted a â€Å"core based statistical area classification system† that recognizes that both metropolitan and nonmetropolitan territory can be integrated with a population center. The new CBSA classification system establishes a micropolitan category as a means of distinguishing between nonmetropolitan areas that are integrated with centers of 10,000 to 49,999 population, and nonmetropolitan territory that is not integrated with any particular population center of 10,000 or more inhabitants (OMB, 2000). 2 Metropolitan counties contain 79 percent of the U. S. opulation and 21 percent of its land area in the new classification scheme while the 1 In the United States and some other postindustrial countries, two residential categorizations are used: urban vs. rural and metropolitan vs. nonmetropolitan. Some writers use these concepts interchangeably, but even though their respective shares of the nation’s total population have tracked quite closely during recent decades, they are different concepts. What is similar between them, however, is that rural and nonmetropolitan are both residuals that are left over once urban settlement is accounted for. Hence, the rural population includes all residents of places of less than 2,500 and persons who live outside of urbanized areas while the nonmetropolitan population includes all persons who live outside of metropolitan counties (counties containing or integrated with a place of 50,000 persons). 2 Social scientists have also objected to the use of counties as building blocks for the nation’s metropolitan geography, but the new OMB standards have retained counties in the new classification system (Morrill, Cromartie and Hart, 1999). 5 ercentages are exactly reversed for nonmetropolitan territory. The nonmetropolitan population is almost evenly split between micropolitan and noncore based areas, although the former category contains 582 counties while the latter has 1668. The data in tables 1-3 show substantial diversity between micropolitan and noncore based areas, and demonstrate the importance of distinguishing between these two types of counties. To begin with, the average mi cropolitan county has 45,875 persons compared with only 15,634 persons in the average noncore based area. The data in Table 1 also show that micropolitan counties have 43 persons per square mile while only 12 persons live on each square mile of noncore based territory. [Table 1 here] Table 2 compares social and economic characteristics of persons living in various types of U. S. counties. In each instance these data show regular patterns of decline as one moves from the largest metropolitan counties to noncore based counties. For example, almost half of all metropolitan persons have attended college compared about one third of nonmetropolitan residents, but only 31 percent of noncore based adults have been to college compared with 37 percent of persons living in micropolitan counties. Metropolitan workers are more dependent on jobs in service industries while their nonmetropolitan counterparts depend more heavily on farming and manufacturing, although these differences are not strikingly large. Within the nonmetropolitan category, however, dependence on farming is over twice as high in noncore based counties compared with micropolitan areas, and small but consistently smaller percentages of noncore based employees work in manufacturing, retail and services jobs. Similarly, professional, technical managerial and administrative occupations comprise a much larger share of metropolitan than nonmetropolitan jobs, and a larger share in micropolitan than in noncore based counties. Data on earnings per job (displayed in the bottom panel of Table 2) show that noncore based workers earn less than their micropolitan counterparts in all industrial categories, and their earnings are consistently the lowest of any county type in the U. S. [Table 2 here] We have also examined whether micropolitan areas are more â€Å"metropolitan† than noncore based counties with respect to the presence of various services and facilities typically associated with metropolitan status (Beale, 1984). We conducted a mail survey 6 f the heads of county government in a 10 percent random sample of noncore based areas, and in 20 percent of micropolitan and small metropolitan areas. We have only received about 40 percent of the questionnaires from the county executives at this time, so the data in Table 3 are provisional. 3 However, these preliminary results reveal that central counties of small metropolitan areas are clearly differentiated from both nonmetropolitan categories. In all t welve instances the presence of these â€Å"metropolitan functions† is most prevalent in small metropolitan counties, and least available in noncore based areas. Micropolitan areas, however, appear to be more similar to small metropolitan areas than to noncore based counties. Hence, OMB’s new system seems to be a step in the right direction from the undifferentiated nonmetropolitan residential. It does a good job of distinguishing between metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas, and between micropolitan and noncore based areas outside of the metropolitan category. [Table 3 here] While we applaud the OMB’s new classification system as a step toward recognizing rural diversity, we believe that it is just that, one step. We recommend that social science research further examine the multidimensional nature of rurality in order to enhance understanding of the extent of urban and rural settlement and urbanization in postindustrial societies, and to guide future modifications of official statistical geography. A MULTIDIMENSIONAL APPROACH TO CONCEPTUALIZING RURALITY IN POSTINDUSTRIAL SOCIETIES As mentioned earlier, our multidimensional approach elaborates and extends earlier work by Paul Cloke (1977; 1986). The basic notion is that while urban and rural have intrinsic meaning, both concepts derive much of their analytical power when compared with the other. Low population density, for example, has important meaning in and of itself, but its meaning is further clarified when low rural density is compared with the high ratio of persons to space found in urban regions. 4 Cloke’s objective was to develop a 3 We are now involved in the refusal conversion process and hope to obtain at least a 60 percent response rate. Moreover, attitudes about urban and rural areas are formed on the basis of the attributes people believe characterize such areas, but these attitudes also reflect people’s opinions of how rural and urban areas differ 4 7 quantitative statement of rurality that could be used as a basis for comparative studies among rural areas, and between them and urban areas. He used principal components analysis to identify nine variables associated with rural-urban location. Principal components loading scores were then used as weighting criteria to form an index of rurality. The resulting scores were arrayed in quartiles ranging from extreme rural to extreme non-rural, and each of England’s and Wales’ administrative districts was assigned to one of these four categories. In 1986, Cloke replicated his 1971 index. His second study showed that while most districts were classified in the same rural-urban category in both 1971 and 1981, some districts changed categories over the decade, and the nature of rurality itself was marginally transformed over time. He found that the variables differentiating rural from urban areas in 1981 were somewhat different than those used in the initial analysis. In particular, population decline and net out migration were important rural attributes in 1971, during a period of population concentration, but not in the 1981 analysis after the relative rates of rural-urban population change and net migration had reversed in favor of the periphery. The 1981 revision included 8 variables. Positive variable loadings on five of the eight factors indicated that they corresponded to urban characteristics (high level of housing occupancy, high percentage of workers outcommuting, high percentage of women in childbearing ages, high level of household amenities, and high population density) while negative loadings on the remaining three variables corresponded to rural characteristics (high involvement in extractive industries, disproportionate number of older persons, and distance from an urban area of 50,000 population). It is important to point out at this juncture that neither Cloke nor we are geographic determinists, e. g. , we do not contend that the type of environment people live in has an independent causal effect on their attitudes and behavior. On the other hand, we believe that spatial locality is more than simply a setting in which social and economic relationships occur. Our position is that a person’s place of residence in a nation’s settlement system can shape social and economic outcomes, and can have a profound impact on life chances (Brown and Lee, 1999). While a growing number of social from each other. Accordingly, the public’s overall positive attitude toward rural people and areas is a combination of â€Å"pro-rural† and â€Å"anti-urban† attitudes. 8 scientists agree that space should be incorporated into social theory and research, there is little agreement on the manner in which space enters into social behavior. The debate hinges on the question of whether spatial arrangements are an elemental cause of social behavior, or whether space acts in a more contingent manner. Our position is consistent with the latter view; that space has an important but contingent causative role in social relations. Hence, we see value in distinguishing rural from urban areas because we contend that rural-urban variations in socioeconomic status, for example, can only be understood by taking into account how contingent characteristics of rural and urban places modify the access to opportunities. In other words, we are saying that local social structure contextualizes social and economic behavior. We do not question the existence of fundamental social relationships, but we observe that these relationships are modified by spatial variability in social and economic contexts. Linking back to the status attainment example, education is positively related to income in all locations, but the strength of this relationship varies across local labor markets depending on their industrial and occupational structures. Education matters everywhere, but returns to education are higher in some spatial contexts than in others depending on the availability of well paying jobs and on the nature of the stratification system (Duncan, 1999). Dimensions of Rurality in the United States at the Turn of the Century: Cloke’s approach to defining rurality was largely inductive. His choice of variables was not shaped by a clearly defined theoretical framework for distinguishing rural from urban, although they were suggested by the literature as being important aspects of the sociospatial environment. Neither do we claim that our approach emanates from a wellcrafted theory of rurality, but we do start with a clear premise about four distinct dimensions that comprise rural environments in postindustrial societies. We then choose indicators for each domain that have been shown in the research literature to vary across rural-urban space. The concept of rurality we are proposing involves ecological, economic, institutional, and sociocultural dimensions. In this section of the paper we discuss each of these four dimensions in turn, and propose a set of indicators that could be used to empirically develop a composite measure of rurality. We follow Willits and Bealer (1967) in observing that a composite definition of rurality involves both the attributes of rural areas themselves, and the attributes of persons residing in such areas. Figure 1 shows 9 the four dimensions of rurality, indicators of each dimension, and the contrasting rural vs. rban situation for each indicator. Our approach indicates the attributes that define rurality, and it does so in a comparative framework vis a vis urbanity. [Figure 1 here] The Ecological Dimension: Population size, population density, spatial situation within a settlement system and natural resource endowments are included in this dimension. As indicated earlier, conventional statis tical practice typically emphasizes this approach. Urban vs. rural delineations are usually defined by a size and/or a density threshold, while metropolitan vs. onmetropolitan delineations use size and density criteria to identify central cities and measures of geographic access such as physical distance or commuting to signify the interdependence of peripheral areas. Hope Tisdale’s (1942) influential article provides one of the clearest theoretical statements for the size/density delineation, while central place theory is the primary theoretical basis for considering geographic location vis-a-vis other places in a settlement system (Berry, 1967). The ecological dimension also includes a consideration of the natural environment. As shown in Table 1, 79 percent of land in the United States is found outside of officially recognized metropolitan areas, and 61 percent is located in noncore based areas. While this tells volumes about density, it also indicates that most of America’s natural resources are located in its rural territory. Energy, minerals, land for agricultural production, water, and habitat for wild life are all found disproportionately in the rural sector, and this is an important aspect of the nation’s rurality during the postindustrial era. The Economic Dimension: This dimension concerns the organization of economic activity in local economies. It focuses on what people do for a living, the size and composition of local economies, and the linkages between local economic activities and national and global capital. Until the mid 20th century, rural and agriculture while not synonymous were very closely related, and definitions of rural were heavily influenced by measures of dependence on agriculture and other extractive industries. Rural economies were small and undifferentiated both in terms of establishments and workers, and localities had a relatively high degree of economic autonomy. 10 Many people continue to view rural areas through this archaic lens, even though local economies have been fundamentally restructured during the past 50 years. Direct dependence on agriculture, forestry, mining and fisheries has declined to less than one in ten nonmetropolitan workers although extractive industries continue to dominate economic activity in particular regions of the U. S. (Cook and Mizer, 1994). There is no denying that economic activities in rural and urban America have become much more similar since World War II. Not only has dependence on extractive industries declined throughout the country, but so has dependence on manufacturing, and most economic growth is now accounted for by services. However, the jobs available in rural labor markets continue to be significantly different than urban jobs. Rural manufacturing is more likely to be nondurable than urban manufacturing, and well paying producer services jobs are seldom available in rural economies. Moreover, research shows that full time rural workers earn less than urban workers regardless of their industry of employment, and that rural employment is significantly more likely to be part time and/or seasonal (Gale and McGranahan, 2001). While these rural-urban differences in employment do not adhere to the traditional farm-nonfarm contours, they show that opportunities available in rural labor markets are clearly inferior to those available in urban America, and that rural and urban areas can be differentiated with respect to how people make a living. Rural economies have traditionally been smaller than urban economies in terms of number of workers, the number and size of establishments, and the gross value of products or services sold. Of the three indicators of rural economic activity, this one has changed the least over time even though the decentralization of urban based branch plants has brought some large employers to particular rural areas. Moreover, rural economies have been much more dependent on one or a few types of economic activity than urban economies, and this too remains an important rural-urban difference. The â€Å"protection of distance† enjoyed (or suffered) by rural economies has clearly diminished in recent decades. Technological changes including all weather roads, the interstate highway system, virtually universal telephone service (now including cell phones), and the internet have greatly reduced rural isolation. This is not to deny that some important inequalities in transportation and communication infrastructure persist 11 between rural and urban areas, but for the most part the effect of physical distance has been substantially leveled by technological advances. Institutional changes, especially the increased mobility of capital, have further diminished rural economic independence. The deregulation of banking means that capital now flows easily to and from metro bank centers and the rural periphery. This has both positive and negative implications for particular rural communities, but the clear result is that rural economies are increasingly integrated within national and global structures. With this change comes a resulting decline of local autonomy and increased dependence on extra-local firms and organizations. This makes rural areas at the same time more attractive sites for certain types of external investment, and more likely to lose traditional employers because of financial decisions made elsewhere. There is little room for sentiment in the globalized economy, including sentiment for rural communities as valued â€Å"home places. † When the bottom line demands it, capital flows across national borders to production sites with low costs and few regulations, locating and relocating according to the demands of the market. The Institutional Dimension: Communities are institutionalized solutions to the problems of everyday life. Accordingly, some social scientists view communities as configurations of institutional spheres including education, religion, governance, the economy, etc. (Rubin, 1969). While we do not necessarily subscribe to this functionalist view of community organization, there is no denying that institutions are a critical aspect of local social structure, and that human beings would have little use for communities if they did not serve recurring needs. Both urban and rural areas have formal institutional sectors. Most places have some form of politics and local governance, organized religion, education, and voluntary and service organizations. Moreover, as discussed in the preceding section, sustenance and economic activity are important aspects of locality. Rural and urban areas are not so much differentiated by the presence or absence of particular types of institutions as by their diversity and capacity. For example, schools, newspapers and churches, are widespread, but most rural communities offer a narrower range of choices as to where one’s children may be educated, where to worship, and/or the media from which one obtains local news. School consolidation in rural America has resulted in fewer and larger schools. Students are often bussed long distances to school. 12 Similarly, while churches are present in most rural communities, the range of denominations and congregations is narrow. Clubs, service organizations, and voluntary associations are also an important part of rural community life, but the choice of organizations to join is constrained in comparison to the organizational choices available in urban environments. Rural institutions also tend to have more limited capacity than their urban counterparts. Rural governments, for example, are often constrained by part time leadership, insufficient fiscal resources, ineffective organizational structures, limited access to technical information and expertise, and limited ability to assess changing community needs (Kraybill and Lobao, 2001; Cigler, 1993). The Sociocultural Dimension: Moral traditionalism is one of the most consistent themes subsumed under the term â€Å"rural culture† (Willits and Bealer, 1967). Rural persons are often considered to be more conservative than their urban counterparts, and data from national surveys indicate this to be true in the United States. Calvin Beale (1995) has shown that 49 percent of rural respondents to a 1993 National Opinion Research Center (NORC) national survey regard themselves as religious fundamentalists compared with 33 percent of urban respondents. Similarly, a much lower percentage of rural respondents believe that abortion should be available for any reason (26 percent vs. 44 percent), and a much higher percentage of rural persons believe that homosexuality is immoral (84 percent vs. 2 percent). Beale also observed that rural voters have been more likely to support conservative candidates in recent elections even though rural persons are slightly more likely than urban persons to describe themselves as democrats. A related idea is that rural conservatism is often associated with the homogeneity of the rural population. Wirth (1938) and ot hers argued that increased population diversity was one of the dominant effects of urbanization, and one of the reasons why informal social control was likely to break down in cities. Ironically, Fisher (1975) and other critics of Wirth, argued that ethnic diversity rather than contributing to a weakening of the social order was a main reason why the strength of social relations did not diminish in cities, and why community was not â€Å"eclipsed† in urban environments. While the association between ethnic and other aspects of population diversity and social and political attitudes is still an open question, research clearly indicates that rural populations in the U. S. , while 13 increasingly diverse, remain significantly more homogeneous than urban populations (Fuguitt, et al. 1989). In addition, the rural population’s racial and ethnic diversity is not spread evenly across the landscape, but tends to concentrate in particular regions and locales (Cromartie, 1999). Hence, even though about one out of ten rural Americans is African American, few rural communities are 10 percent Black. Rather, Blacks tend either to comprise the majority or large mino rity of a rural population or an insignificant percentage. The same tends to be true with respect to other racial and/or ethnic populations. Much has been written to suggest that primary social interaction is more prevalent and more intense in rural areas, and that rural areas have a higher level of informal social control than is true in urban areas. However, these contentions, if ever true, are not supported by contemporary empirical evidence. Copious research has shown that urban persons are involved in regular and intense interaction with family, friends and neighbors, and that community has not been eclipsed in urban America (Hummon, 1990; Fischer, 1975). Moreover, research by Sampson (1999), and others has shown that social networks are quite effective in regulating social behavior in urban locales. Accordingly, primary social interaction and effective social control do not differentiate rural and urban areas in contemporary American society, and are not components of the sociocultural dimension of rurality. CONCLUSIONS How urbanized are postindustrial societies? How rapidly is the remaining rural population being incorporated within the urban category? How do rural people and rural areas contribute to and/or detract from the social and economic well being of highly developed nations? We contend that answering these questions accurately is contingent on the availability of theoretically informed definitions of rural and urban areas. Virtually every developed nation uses population size and density as the basis for its differentiation of urban and rural areas. Areas obtain urban status by reaching some threshold of population size and/or density, and commuting or some similar measure of routine social and/or economic interaction is used to determine whether peripheral areas are integrated with, and hence part of large/dense urban agglomerations. Rural areas are simply the residual—areas that fail to satisfy the urban threshold or lack routine interaction with core 14 areas. We join with many previous scholars in arguing that this approach is blind to the complex multidimensional nature of postindustrial rurality. We believe that the residual approach is inadequate for differentiating rural from urban populations, and for examining social, economic, political, ecological and other forms of diversity within the rural category itself. We have recommended a multidimensional framework for considering the nature of rurality in postindustrial society. Our approach includes conventional demographic measures, and adds information on the natural environment, economic structures and activities, the diversity and capacity of institutions, and a sociocultural domain. Our case is the United States but we believe that the situation we describe in the U. S. is similar to that in most other postindustrial societies. Our paper rejects the notion that rurality is simply a residual that is leftover once urban areas have been identified. The rural as residual approach clearly identifies the extremes or urbanity and rurality (Paris, France vs. Paris, Texas, for example), but it offers no guidance for examining settlements that fall in the intermediate zone between these extremes. We believe that the multidimensional approach to conceptualizing rurality is helpful not only for distinguishing urban from rural but also for understanding the variability of social and economic organization that occurs within both categories. As we have shown, the OMB’s new core-based statistical areas systems is a step toward recognizing important aspects of rural diversity and of focusing attention on the zone between what is clearly urban and clearly rural. We acknowledge that there is a venerable tradition in social science of examining the correlates of city size (Duncan, 1951; Duncan and Reiss, 1956), and that it is possible that rural-urban variability in ecological, economic, institutional and sociocultural attributes may simply be a reflection of inter area differences in population size. If this is the case then the conventional practice of using population size to define urbanity may be sufficient for delineating urban from rural. In contrast, if the other dimensions of social and economic activity are only weakly associated with population size then conventional statistical practice may be producing misleading information regarding urbanization and the conditions of life in rural and urban communities. This important question merits continued examination in future research. 15 Changes in a nation’s urban-rural balance have significance that extends beyond purely academic curiosity. Understanding how variability in spatial context affects opportunity structures and the quality of life contributes to producing flexible public programs that are sensitive to local needs. Misinformation about the social, economic and institutional organization of rural and/or urban areas, and about the size and composition of a nation’s population living and working in rural and urban places will result in misinformed policies. For example, if policy makers believe that most rural persons are farmers, agricultural policies will be seen as a reasonable response to rural poverty and income insecurity. But, of course, agricultural policies will not have much of an effect on rural poverty because most rural persons in postindustrial societies do not depend on farming for their livelihoods (Gibbs, 2001). Or, if research indicates that the size of a nation’s rural population has held constant over time, as is the case in the United States where about 55-60 million persons has been classified as rural since 1950, then significant public investments for rural development will be legitimized (at least from an equity perspective). But, if the measurement of rurality is too permissive, and the population that is genuinely rural has actually declined, then public resources may be targeted to the wrong populations. We realize that the multidimensional perspective we are promoting could not be easily or cheaply built into a national statistical system. But, regardless of its practicality our framework raises important questions about the sufficiency of the size/density conventions used throughout the developed world, and consequently about the state of knowledge on urbanization in postindustrial societies. Moreover, our contention that rurality should not be treated as an undifferentiated residual complements the social representational approach in which rurality is defined by how people imagine community life in everyday discourse. Both approaches focus attention on the complexity of contemporary rural life and its continuing distinctiveness in comparison with urban areas. 16 REFERENCES Beale, C. 1995. â€Å"Non Economic Value of Rural America. † Paper presented at the USDA experts’ conference on the value of rural America. † Washington, DC: USDA-ERS. ______. 1984. â€Å"Poughkeepsie’s Complaint or Defining Metropolitan Areas. † American Demographics 6(1): 28-31; 46-48. Berry, B. 1967. Geography of Market Centers and Retail Distribution. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Brown, D and M. Lee. 1999. Persisting Inequality Between Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan America: Implications for Theory and Policy. † Pp. 151-167 in P. Moen, D. Demster-McClain and H. Walker (eds. ) Diversity, Inequality, and Community in American Society. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. ______. G. Fuguitt, T. Heaton, and S. Waseem. 1997. â€Å"Continuities in Size of Place Preferences in the Uni ted States, 1972-1992. † Rural Sociology 62(4) : 408-428. Butler, M. and C. Beale. 1994. â€Å"Rural-Urban Continuum Codes for Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan Counties, 1993. † Staff Report No. 9425. Washington, DC: USDA-ERS. Cigler, B. 993. â€Å"Meeting the Growing Challenges of Rural Local Government. † Rural Development Perspectives 9(1): 35-39. Cloke, P. and G. Edwards. 1986. â€Å"Rurality in England and Wales, 1981: A Replication of the 1971 Index. † Regional Studies 20: 289-306. _____. 1977. â€Å"An Index of Rurality for England and Wales. † Regional Studies 11: 31-46. Cook, P. and K. Mizer. 1994. â€Å"The Revised ERS County Typology. † Rural Development Research Report No. 84. Washington, DC: USDA-ERS. Cromartie, J. 1999. â€Å"Rural Minorities Are Geographically Clustered. † Rural Conditions and Trends 9(2): 14-19. Duncan, C. 1999. Worlds Apart: Why Poverty Persists in Rural America. † New Haven: Yale University Press. Duncan, O and A. Reiss. 1956. Social Characteristics of Urban and Rural Communities. New York: John Wiley and Sons. Duncan, O. 1951. â€Å"Optimum Size of Cities. † Pp. 632-645 in P. Hatt and A. Reiss (eds. ) Reader in Urban Sociology. New York: Free Press. 17 Durkehim, E. 1951. Suicide. New York: Free Press. Fischer, C. 1975. â€Å"Toward a Subcultural Theory of Urbanism. † American Journal of Sociology 80: 1319-1342. Fuguitt, G. , D. Brown, and C. Beale. 1989. Rural and Small Town America. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Gale, F. nd D. McGranahan. 2001. â€Å"Nonmetro Areas Fall Behind in the New Economy. † Rural America 16(1): 44-51. Gibbs, R. 2001. â€Å"Nonmetro Labor Markets in an Era of Welfare Reform. † Rural America 16(3): 11-21. Giddens, A. The Constitution of Society. Cambridge: Polity Press. Halfacree, K. 1993. â€Å"Locality and Social Representa tion: Space, Discourse, and Alternative Definitions of the Rural. † Journal of Rural Studies 9(1): 23-37. Hauser, P. 1965. â€Å"Urbanization: An Overview. † Pp. 1-47 in P. Hauser and L. Schnore (eds. ) The Study of Urbanization. New York: John Wiley and Sons. Hines, F, D. Brown, and J. Zimmer. 1975. Social and Economic Characteristics of the Population in Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan Counties, 1970. † Agricultural Economic Report No. 272. Washington, D. C. : USDA-ERS. Hummon, D. 1990. Common Places: Community Ideology and Identity in American Culture. Albany: SUNY Press. Kellogg Foundation. 2002. Perceptions of Rural America. Battle Creek, MI. : Kellogg Foundation. Kraybill, D. and L. Lobao. 2001. County Government Survey: Changes and Challenges in the New Millennium. Washington, DC: National Association of Counties. Lewis, M. 1991. â€Å"Elusive Societies: A Regional-Cartographical Approach to the Study of Human Relatedness. Annals of the Association of Ame rican Geographers 18(4): 605-626. Logan, J. 1996. ‘Rural America As A Symbol of American Values. † Rural Development Perspectives 12(1): 24-28. Marx, K. 1976. Capital, Vol. I. London: Penguin NLR. Morrill, R, J. Cromartie, and G. Hart. 1999. â€Å"Metropolitan, Urban, and Rural Commuting Areas: Toward a Better Depiction of the united States Settlement System. † Urban Geography 20(8): 727-748. 18 Moscovici, S. 1981. â€Å"On Social Representation. † Pp. 181-209 in J. Forgas (ed. ), Social Cognition: Perspectives on Everyday Understanding. London: Academic Press. RUPRI. 1995. 1995 National RUPRI Poll: Differential Attitudes of Rural and Urban America. † Columbia, Missouri: Rural Policy Research Institute. Rubin, J. 1969. â€Å"Function and Structure of Community: A Conceptual and Theoretical Analysis. † International Review of Community Development 21-22: 111-119. Sampson, R. , J. Morenoff, and F. Earls. 1999. â€Å"Beyond Social Capital: Spatia l Dynamics of Collective Efficacy for Children. † American Journal of Sociology 92(1): 27-63. Tisdale, H. 1942. â€Å"The Process of Urbanization. † Social Forces 20: 311-316. United Nations. 1999. World Urbanization Prospects: 1999 Revision. New York: United Nations. U. S. Office of Management and Budget. 2000. â€Å"Standards for Defining Metropolitan and Micropolitan Statistical Areas. † Federal Register 65(249): 82228-82238. (http://www. whitehouse. gov/omb/fedreg/metroareas122700. pdf. ) Weber, M. 1968. Economy and Society. New York: Bedminister. Willits, F. , R. Bealer, and V. Timbers. 1990. â€Å"Popular Images of Rurality: Data From a Pennsylvania Survey. † Rural Sociology 55(4): 559-578. ______. 1967. â€Å"An Evaluation of a Composite Index of Rurality. † Rural Sociology 32(2): 165-177. Wirth, L. 1938. â€Å"Urbanization As a Way of Life. American Journal of Sociology 44(1): 129. 19 Figure 1: A Multidimensional Framework of Rurality in Postindustrial Society Indicators Rural Areas or Populations Urban Areas or Populations Are More Likely to Be: Are More Likely to Be: Dimensions of Rurality Ecological Dimension Population Size Population Density Situation in Settlement System Natural Environ ment Economic Dimension Dependence on Industrial Activities Size of Local Economy Diversity of Economic Activity Autonomy of Local Economy Institutional Dimension Local Choice Public Sector Capacity Sociocultural Dimension Beliefs/Values Population Diversity Small Low/Scattered Peripheral Rich in Natural Resources Large High/Concentrated Central Lacking Natural Resources Extractive Nondurable Manufacturing Consumer Services Small Workforce Small Establishments Undiversified Low/Dependent Producer Services Professional Services Durable Manufacturing Large Workforce Large Establishments Diversified High Narrow/Constrained Limited/Modest Wide High Conservative Homogeneous Progressive Heterogeneous 20 Table 1: Population, Land Area, Density and Percent Rural by CBSA Category, 19901 CBSA Category U. S. Metro Large Small Nonmetro Micro Non-CBSA 1 No. Counties 3,141 891 606 285 2,250 582 1,668 Population 1,000s Percent 248,709 195,930 171,606 24,323 52,780 26,699 26,081 100 79 69 10 21 11 10 Land Area (square miles) 1,000s Percent 3,536 737 488 249 2,799 625 2,174 100 21 14 7 79 18 61 Population Per Sq. Mile 70 266 351 98 19 43 12 See OMB (2000) for discussion of procedures used to delineate CBSA county types. Source: 1990 U. S. Census of Population 21 Table 2: Comparative Profile of Metro, Micro and Noncore Based Counties, U. S. , 19901 Metropolitan Large Small Nonmetropolitan Micro Noncore Characteristic Educational Attainment Pct. Less Than High School Pct. High School Pct. College Total Total 23 29 48 23 28 49 25 32 43 31 35 34 29 34 37 34 36 31 Industry of Employment (selected) Pct. Farm Pct. Manufacture Pct. Retail Pct. Services 1 13 16 29 1 13 16 30 3 15 18 25 8 18 16 21 5 18 17 22 11 17 15 19 Occupation of Employment (selected) Pct. Manager, Professional Pct. Tech. , Sales, Admin. Pct. Labor2 Earnings Per Job3 All Jobs (000) Manufacture (000) Retail (000) Services (000) 1 2 28 33 24 29 34 24 24 30 28 20 26 34 21 27 33 18 24 36 27 36 15 24 27 37 15 25 0 27 12 16 20 25 12 15 20 27 12 16 18 23 11 14 See OMB (2000) for rules used to identify county types. Skilled and unskilled 3 Nonfarm jobs Source: 1990 U. S. Census of Population 22 Table 3: Presence of Services and Facilities by County Type, 20001 Percent Provided in County Micro 29 71 62 58 91 89 41 64 38 100 45 Service or Facility Scheduled Passenger Air Service Scheduled Inter County Bus Service Local Bus Servic e Museum2 Daily Newspaper National or Regional Hotel Franchise Four Year College Library with Multiple Branches Commercial Television Station3 General Hospital4 N 1 Small Metro 50 91 95 77 95 100 82 64 68 100 22 Noncore Based 11 31 29 23 18 44 11 34 9 74 71 Ten percent sample of noncore based counties; 20% samples of small metro and micro counties. Current response rate = small metro: 41%; micro: 75%; noncore: 42%. Art, science or natural history with focus beyond local county. With local news and advertising. With at least two of four of the following services: emergency room, physical therapy, cardiac care or MRI. 2 3 4 23

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Thus, over time, the image of King Arthur has changed from that of an epic hero to one of a symbol of chivalry- this is apparent with the difference in characteristic depiction of King Arthur in the early story of Brut and a later legend, Sir Gawain and The Green Knight, here there is a noticeable change in his personality. The earliest depiction of King Arthur was that of a fierce warrior-king, brutal and unforgiving. The early medieval kings were warlords who surrounded themselves with nobles and knights- called thanes, and protected their lands from foreign invaders through bloody wars and battles. The original Arthurian legends portray King Arthur in such a role- he is frequently described as â€Å"Arthur the powerful† or â€Å"Arthur the brave† and often comes across as bloodthirsty; not unlike Beowulf in the Anglo-Saxon epic poem Beowulf. In reality, these early legends were the Anglo-Saxon cultural perspective of King Arthur. One example of such an Anglo-Saxon view of King Arthur is Brut by Layamon, a British priest; in his poem, he describes Arthur as a savage and fierce warrior, an object of dread to friend and enemy, an epic hero. This is evident in Brut- where in one of his speeches where Arthur curses his enemies, wanting to crush them all: Then said Arthur, noblest of kings: â€Å"Alas, alas, that I spared my foe, that I did not starve him to death in the forest, or cut him to pieces with my sword! [ ] he shall suffer for it the most bitter affliction, harsh treatment I will be his slayer! I will slaughter both Colgrim and Baldof, and all their followers shall suffer death. [ ] I will fittingly avenge all his wicked deeds. If life might endure in my breast, [ ] never again shall Childric deceive me! † (lines 10510-10524) These lines show the brutality and unfettered heroism of King Arthur. His vexed and aggrieved speech about his enemys escape shows his unforgiving nature. Such is his anger that King Arthur wishes for the death of not only his enemies but also of all his followers; he even voices his regret of not having cut them to pieces, and wishes to kill them with his own sword. Not only does this speech show Arthurs merciless disposition, but it is also filled with a vengeance these lines of Arthur are a battle cry as he avows to get his revenge on his enemies. Towards the end of the speech, while vengefully vowing to avenge his defeat, King Arthurs tone is more than just distressed and agitated, it has a quality of firm determination and tenacity. All these aspects of Layamons perspective of King Arthur: determination, brutality, tenacity, vengeance, might and an unforgiving nature, all combined with the right amount of rage and conceit, show that he is, in all aspects, an epic hero. Akin to Beowulf -who with his strength, firmness and pride was the quintessential Anglo-Saxon warrior and champion- King Arthur is the ideal warrior-king. Eventually as literature progressed towards the heart of the Medieval Era, King Arthur evolved from an epic hero to a symbol of chivalric virtues of Camelot. He was no longer known as the brave and strong defender of the British, but as the virtuous upholder of all chivalric values in the great court at Camelot. Contradicting the early medieval stories which revolved around King Arthur, these middle Arthurian Legends portray the king as a minor character whose presence is only felt indirectly as a representative of a chivalry and excellency. This is apparent in the story of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, where Arthur is but a role model for all the knights when it comes to courtly behavior. The knights regard him with a reverence for his lordly ways. When the Green Knight rudely interrupts their feast by barging into their dining hall, all of them remain silent, in anger and in dread, while King Arthur welcomes him graciously as it is seen in the following excerpt from the poem: â€Å" Therefore chary of answer was many a champion bold, And stunned at his [The green knights] strong words stone-still they sat [ ] Then Arthur before the high dais that entrance beholds, And hailed him, as behooved, for he had no fear, And said, â€Å"Fellow, in faith you have found fair welcome;† (lines 20-30) These lines perfectly demonstrate how King Arthur exhibits model knightly behavior. Even though this intruder has disturbed his celebratory feast, he does not lose his temper, instead he follows the first rule of chivalry – hospitality. As we see in this text, the other knights, who sat â€Å"stone still† and â€Å"chary of answer†, do nothing to welcome the new-comer amongst their midst; nevertheless, Arthur does his duty and warmly invites the Green Knight to his court (line 21, line 20). In this way we see how King Arthur has unmatched manners in the court of Camelot- this is the most distinguished factor about him in this story, as the main focus of this legend is on Sir Gawain and his quest. Thus, we can say that King Arthurs one and only role in Sir Gawain and The Green Knight is to set a standard for his knights in social behavior, to remind them of the rules of Camelot. These lines demonstrate Arthurs gallant manner, they also show that Knights of the Round Table have a high place in their minds for him. While they dreaded even speaking to the alarming stranger, their revered King Arthur, who is described as one who â€Å"had no fear†, welcomed him graciously (line 29). Thus, King Arthur is greatly admired by his Knights because they still thought of him as the fearless king of old and also because of his valiant and courtly behavior. This fact greatly impacts most stories of this time because Arthur has a great influence over the Knights of Camelot and most of these stories follow their bold and daring quests. Even if the king, in these legends, seems removed from the thick of the plot line, his presence is still felt from afar, as a social force – for it has already been established that the Knights admired and imitated his social manner and his lordly ways. This remote influence, too, can be observed in the story of Sir Gawain and The Green Knight where King Arthur is neither the the protagonist of the story nor the source of all action, but is the highest authority and the inspiration for Sir Gawain to take up the challenge posed by the Green Knight. This inspiration is noticed when Sir Gawain accepts this quest, â€Å"Would you grant me the grace,† said Gawain to the king, â€Å"To be gone from this bench and stand by you there, [ ] That I have you for uncle is my only praise; My body, but for your blood, is barren of worth;† (lines 117-131). Through Sir Gawains speech we can see that the reason that he is taking up this quest is to be a delegate for Camelot. He says that he wishes to â€Å"stand by† King Arthur, that is, represent him on this quest(line 117). This further establishes the fact that King Arthur is not the main character of the story, as it is Sir Gawain who is the one who actually undertakes the quest. Thus, in this legend, and many others written during this time period, King Arthur turns into a minor character in sharp contrast to the earlier legends which depicted him as the brave warrior at the head of his armies in every battlehe is no longer the main character but his presence is still felt as a significant influence for Sir Gawain to take up this quest. However, as discussed before, the Knights of Camelot, including Gawain, greatly admired Arthur for his chivalric ideals and manner. So it can be said that in the minds of them of the Round Table, King Arthur is simply a personification of all the values of chivalry which they want to uphold as knights. Sir Gawain especially looks to Arthur as a symbol of all knightly or chivalric virtues. He even humbly acclaims that if it werent for Arthurs blood running in him, he would be nothing, â€Å"barren of [his] worth† (line 131). This confirms the fact that Sir Gawain, and all the other knights use King Arthur as a reassurance, feeling that if they had the values of the king, they could do anything; for they has faith in King Arthur and his Round Table, in the chivalric values of Camelot. Therefore, from these examples present in the story if Sir Gawain and The Green Knight we can conclude that the Knights of the Round Table idolized King Arthur not because he was a warrior-king but because he was, to them, the embodiment of all the honorable values of being a knight. As we can see, there are many subtle differences between the two interpretations of King Arthur in the stories of Sir Gawain and The Green Knight and Brut. In the early legends Arthur is described as the fearless warrior-king, the defender of the Britons whereas the later legends depict him as a virtuous leader and the role model for all the Knights of Camelot. This transformation of King Arthurs character over time is very obvious when the texts from different time-periods are compared. In the early legend of Brut, King Arthur is an epic hero- he is the protagonist of the story. The legends of that era revolved around Arthur and his battles. As seen in the story Brut, he is unforgiving and blood thirsty; his thoughts are set on winning and bringing down his enemies rather than trying to settle the conflicts peacefully. This is in contrast to the King Arthur of the later legends, such as Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, who welcomes armed strangers into his castle. In the beginning of this story, when the Green Knight barges into the feast at Camelot on his horse, Arthur welcomes him warmly and invites him to dinner instead of getting insulted and punishing him. He comes across as easygoing and very level headed. Even in moments of anger, this King Arthur of later times remains calm and doesnt show his emotion; this is seen in the story of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, where he remains composed even in the face of danger (in this case- losing one of his best knights, Sir Gawain because of a strangers challenge). In lines 236 and 237 of this legend, it is seen that â€Å"Though high-born Arthur at heart had wonder, / he let no sign be seen [ ]†. Thus, in the later legends, King Arthur-who was a symbol of chivalric virtues and courtly manners- controlled his emotions and remained unruffled when he was challenged. This characteristic of the chivalric King Arthur is distinctly different from the earlier perspectives of him in such legends as Brut. This early King Arthur who was an epic hero, was a most forbidding character, he clearly expressed his anger and was often described as â€Å"stern-minded† (line 111). In Brut, King Arthur often asserted his anger, especially during battles when his mind bore nothing but hatred towards his enemy- â€Å"He laid the shield to his breast; the king was bursting with anger. He smote Borel the earl right through the breast, So that his heart was split. Arthur cried at once: The foremost hath met his fate! Now the Lord help you! † (lines 112-115). These lines show King Arthurs frustration and his hatred and also portray how he openly displays his anger. In sharp contrast to the calm and composed Arthur of the later time-periods, this excerpt from an older legend shows that he was â€Å"bursting with anger†, clearly portraying how the epic hero Arthur did not control his emotions(line 112). In this way, we can see that King Arthurs temperament has changed from vengeful and impulsive to poised and chivalric between the two legends. Overall it is discernible that the kings personality and characteristics have changed over time and this is especially apparent when comparing two works from different time-periods. In this way we can see that the characteristic depiction of King Arthur has evolved over time from a fearless battle hero to a chivalric and virtuous ruler. The early Arthurian legends such as Brut, which were written when poems like Beowulf were popular, described Arthur as an epic hero. But as the time passed by and the virtues of chivalry came into being, the Arthurian legends of that time, such as Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, started to reflect the social focus and began to depict Arthur as an expert in chivalrous values. Thus, it is seen that King Arthurs role in the legends continually changes as the peoples general perspective of a hero changes. The tales of King Arthur have been shaped and reshaped according to the teller of the story. There is not just one perfect depiction of King Arthur, his character is a combination of many perspectives of him. It can be altered to adapt with the times as it has adapted through the Medieval Era. This â€Å"evolution† of his portrayal and the fact that he will never die are what make King Arthur one of the most exceptional characters in literature.

Examination of Clinical Psychology Essay Example for Free

Examination of Clinical Psychology Essay Clinical psychology has a full history that dates back to the early days of Greek philosophy. The combination of philosophy, current psychology and science has created a specific discipline in clinical psychology. Research continues to improve and evolve this branch of psychology. There are certain distinctions that set clinical psychology apart from other areas of this discipline and this paper will explore not only those distinctions but also the history of clinical psychology. The History of Clinical Psychology The beginnings of psychology in general can be found in the era of Greek philosophy. Early philosophical thinkers saw the connection between the mind and body including the influence that relationship had concerning emotional sickness. Hippocrates, Plato, and Aristotle were a few of those that recognized the soul or spirit as being the primary force of the body. They also recognized that problems within the soul could manifest in physical illness (Plante, 2011, p. 34). In the middle ages, any kind of mental, emotional or physical sickness was thought to be characteristic of sin or evil and treatments of such issues were dealt with on a spiritual level. The following Renaissance era was all about scientific research and discovery taking the previous beliefs on spiritual origins and disproving them. Illness was established as something more explainable by scientific research rather than spiritual and metaphysical beliefs (Plante, 2011). As the nineteenth century rolled in, members of psychological study started to have a more accurate understanding of the connection between the body and mind. Sigmund Freud was one such forward thinker and he promoted theories that unconscious thoughts of the mind can hold a strong influence on one’s health drawing on the original beliefs of the Greeks (Parsons, 1958). The actual emergence of psychology began with the development of the first laboratory and book of psychology by Wilhelm Wundt. Development was quick after this first large step even though the new concepts and principles of psychology were being applied to peoples’ issues. Also the wars of our history provided a platform for the world of clinical psychology. Service members emerged in war required specialized treatments which led to the development of psychometric assessments. Later developments led to the creation of evolved models of guidelines and training for the education of clinical psychologists (Plante, 2011). Clinical Psychologys Evolving Nature Clinical psychology has a fundamental instrument that develops its evolving nature which is described by its relationship with modern medicine and used of scientific methods (Kazdin, 2008). Clinical psychology continues to develop applications as new scientific evidence mounts. Contemporary clinical psychology embodies the scientific advances of science mixing in a deep understanding of the mind. The relationship of practice and research continue to come together to facilitate continual improvements in treatments and this relationship is a necessary element to the evolving nature (Kazdin, 2008). The only possible challenge for clinical psychology and research is the challenge of trying to customize treatment to meet the patient’s individual needs when there really is no defined outline of every individualistic need for each individual patient (Kazdin, 2008 p. 17). The Role of Research and Statistics in Clinical Psychology Research is a vital aspect of any psychology and clinical psychology is no different. Research provides the empirical foundation to answer questions with validity. Statistics is a vital part of this research since this area of the research facilitates researchers being able to conclude if the information is substantial and relevant. Research is also vital because to clinical psychology because it boosts therapy methods which leads to the improvement of one’s life and it also helps discover effective methods to diagnose and treat human behavioral issues (Plante, 2011). The scientific method of empirical study also benefits the researchers themselves enabling them to gain critical thinking skills. Research is one of the most fundamental practices that allows for the betterment of clinical psychology (Plante, 2011). Clinical Psychology as it Differs from Other Disciplines The primary differences between other disciplines and clinical psychology involve the targeted training, area of focus and possibly even the educational requirements. Some psychologists participating in the area of clinical diagnosis, such as a school psychologist or social worker, generally must earn a masters degree but other specialized areas of clinical psychology might require a doctorate (Plante, 2011). School psychologists also specialize primarily in working with children and society’s youth whereas social workers can serve a more broad population and work in hospitals, schools or even county programs. Areas of counseling psychology are very similar to clinical psychology and there is the belief that the two separate groups do not even need to exist separately (Kazdin, 2008). There are also psychiatrists who have the added, extensive education and training in the medical arena and for all intended purposes they are physicians. They not only counsel as psychologists but are allowed to issue psychiatric medicine. Then there are other various mental health care professionals such as psychiatric nurses, specialized counselors, and industry and organization counselors who all provide clinical services. Even though clinical psychology differs in some aspects from other counseling professions, all of them have the purpose of using psychological principles to understand human behavior, helping individuals to live healthier and happier lives (Plante, 2011). Conclusion As this paper has laid out, there are many various contributions to the formation of clinical psychology becoming its own discipline. The evolution has traveled a long road but it has been steady and continuous with new information being discovered through scientific methods. Philosophy kicked off the curiosity that lead to future contributions by pioneers such as Freud and his psychoanalytic methods. Clinical psychology does hold its differences amongst other disciplines of psychology but the overall goal of all disciplines still remains to serve the general human population, attempting to give everyone a chance at a better quality of life. References Kazdin, A. E. (2008). Evidence based treatment and practice: new opportunities to bridge clinical research and practice. American Psychologist, 63(3), 146-159. Parsons, T. (1958). Social Structure and the Development of Personality: Freuds Contribution to the Integration of Psychology and Sociology. Psychiatry: Journal for the Study of Interpersonal Processes, 21(10), 321-340. Plante, T. (2011). Contemporary clinical psychology (3rd ed.). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley Sons.

Children and Adoption Act Legislation Evaluation

Children and Adoption Act Legislation Evaluation Looking at ‘The Children and Adoption Act’ identify and trace the development of the policy in its present format Introduction In 2005 the Children and Adoption Act was created in response to a green paper entitled Parental Separation: Children’s Needs and Parents’ Responsibilities (2004). This new bill addresses issues both in the realm of contact between children and separated parents, and foreign adoption issues. However, for the purposes of this essay the researcher will focus on the issues of contact, as these are the most pressing and widely talked about aspects of the bill. Firstly, we will outline the major points of this legislation. As a response to the green paper and an update on both the 2002 Making Contact Work report and the 1989 Children Act, the Children and Adoption Act (2005) aims to address certain key issues of contact between separated or divorced parents and children. The major part of the legislation deals with new processes and powers given to courts when issuing and enforcing contact orders. Firstly, a new initiative known as ‘contact activity directions’ is now available to the courts. These directions allow the court to help promote contact between non-resident parents and children through various courses or counselling. For example, by going for psychiatric or physical treatment to improve the likelihood of cooperation between children and the separated parents. Additional powers granted to the courts are also an important part of this bill. The court now has added power to monitor contact and to report back to the court about the maintenance of such orders. Further, the court now needs to attach a notice of warning to contact orders stating the consequences of a breach of the order. Family assistance orders can now be issued in more than just exceptional circumstances, allowing for a greater opportunity to develop cooperation and contact arrangements. The way in which a breach of a contact order can be punished has also changed. In the past, options open to the court were to put the parent in breach in prison or fine them an amount of money, transfer residence of the children to the other parent, or do nothing. These options were often inadequate or not available in all cases, and so the laws have been changed. A parent in breach of a contact order can now face what is known as an ‘enforcement order’ which can be applied for by either parent or the children concerned. This enforcement order will invoke a requirement for unpaid work on the offender, meaning they will have to carry out a certain amount of duties or work for no fee – much like community service. The court needs to be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that the person is failing or has failed to comply, and that the making of an order is necessary to secure compliance with the order. Once an order is initiated, a Children and Family Court Advisory a nd Support Service (CAFCASS) officer will monitor the situation and report back to the court about compliance. If breach occurs again then the order can be extended or increased as the court sees fit. Another way in which a breach can be punished by the court is through compensation to the other party for financial loss suffered as a consequence of the breach. This is meant to be compensation rather than a punitive payment, and is based upon the financial situation of the offender as well as the needs of the child. These are the main areas of interest in the new Children and Adoption Act in terms of contact, and will be discussed in detail throughout the rest of the essay. In order to do this, the reasoning and objectives behind this new bill first need to be look at. The three main objectives are as follows: To promote and stimulate contact activity between children and non-resident parents To improve the monitoring of compliance with contact orders and reduce delays in complying with these orders. To give the courts increased powers to punish breaches of contact orders that punish the offender and result in compliance rather than harming the welfare of the child. These objectives are in response to a number of issues raised over the last few years. Of these issues, the most notable is the bias towards mothers in terms of contact, with the majority of mothers being the resident parent after separation. Many examples of fathers being denied contact by mothers are documented, and some of these will be discussed later in the essay. The main aim of this essay is to compare the current Children and Adoption Bill to previous legislation, and whether or not it manages to meet its objectives and address the issues that have caused controversy over the last 15 years. The researcher aims to show that whilst this new legislation does go some way to improving the previous situation and improving the chances of contact between children and non-resident parents, it still lacks gender specific policies to deal with the socio-cultural bias towards mothers in parental disputes over contact. Comparisons with previous legislation The original legislation put in place to deal with issues of parental separation and child contact were outlined in the 1989 Children Act. The major problems with this legislation were that it didn’t give enough powers to courts to enforce compliance of contact orders, and that contact was not generally promoted outside of the orders. This resulted in many orders being breached and lengthy delays in getting breached orders enforced. The powers open to the courts meant that many non-resident parents, usually fathers, were unable to see their children due to mothers denying access. Another problem is that the 1989 Act gave parental responsibility automatically to the mother if the parents were not married at the time of the child’s birth, and the father had to apply for responsibility if an agreement could not be reached with the mother. Basically, the rights of a non-married father were fairly limited under this bill. Also, there was a severe lack of monitoring in terms of compliance with the bill and the general contact situation. This left the door open for unfounded allegations by mothers against the fathers in order to stop or delay contact. Even those fathers that clearly established themselves as fit to have contact often found they were unable to obtain contact in the face of hostility from the resident parent. Even with court intervention, not much could often be done. The options open to the court were to put the mother in prison, fine the mother, hand over residence to the father or do nothing. Prison and monetary sanctions were often not practical as they harmed the welfare of the child, and residence passing to the father was not always possible if their residence was unsuitable for the child. In many cases, a severely non-compliant mother would face no penalties for breaching the contact order, and so the father would be unable to see the child at all. Although it wasn’t always the case that the father lost out, even when he was able to get contact there were often large delays and extreme stress involved to do so, and the situation could change. Examples of just how difficult it was for the courts to make decisions about contact under this legislation can be seen in the following two case examples. 1 Family Law Reform 1279 (2004). In S (A Child) (Contact : Promoting Relationship with Absent Parent). The appeals court looked at a father appeal against the dismissal of an application for direct contact with his daughter, aged six. There had been separation between parents five years previously, and voluntary arrangements that had worked in the beginning had since broken down. The child was reluctant to have contact, mainly due to the mother’s extreme reluctance to make any form of contact work, and there were unproven allegations of domestic violence by the mother against the father. The president of the FLR put the dilemma as follows: â€Å"If a mother is truly recalcitrant, the court can commit to prison for contempt or fine the mother. Most mothers do not have enough money to pay a significant fine and this sanction is seldom used, particularly since she is the primary carer of the child. Equally the sanction of prison for mothers who refuse to allow contact is a heavy one and may well be a self-defeating one†¦At this stage also the court may have the evidence that the continuing efforts to persuade the mother to agree to contact are having a disproportionately adverse effect upon the child whose welfare is paramount and the court may find it necessary, however reluctantly, to stop trying to promote contact. That is a very sad situation but may be necessary for a short or for a longer time if the welfare of the child requires it†. In this case, she granted the appeal to allow the parties to jointly instruct a consultant child psychiatrist to asses the family and the contact prospects. Although this is in some way positive, it doesn’t help the father see his child at all, and delays contact even further. This next case of 1 FLR 1226 (2004) D (A Child) (Intractable Contact Dispute : Publicity) shows even further the problems that occur for fathers when the mother denies access. The mother had in this case had not allowed the father to see his daughter at all for 2.5 years, and it was clear this situation was not going to change. Munby J concluded that the father would have to abandon his contact application because the mother was clearly not going to change her mind, and there was very little the courts could do to change this situation. He said: â€Å"There are no simple solutions. And it is idle to imagine that even the best system can overcome all problems. The bitter truth is that there will always be some contact cases so intractable that they will defeat even the best and most committed attempts of judges. But that is no reason for not taking steps — urgent steps — to improve the system as best we can†. This was clearly a injustice, and many pressure groups have formed over the years to combat such issues and greatly improve the rights of fathers in these proceedings. This has come about due to such cases as well as the clear desire of modern fathers to be more involved in the lives and upbringing of their children (O’Brien Shemilt, 2003). Two of the main groups around today are Families Need Fathers and Fathers For Justice (see websites www.fnf.org.uk and www.fathers-4-justice.org/home/index.html). Families Need Fathers have tried to combat these issues by appealing for change, and are the largest such charity in the UK. Fathers For Justice are quite different in their approach, and have staged aggressive protests over recent years involving climbing up buildings dressed as superheroes and often getting arrested for their troubles. However, their controversial protests have divided the community on these issues, with many believing their actions show real passion whilst others believing their reckless behaviour does nothing for the cause and simply damages the reputations of other fathers (Kelly, 2006). Although these groups vary radically in their ways of tackling the issues, their existence clearly shows the desire for change. The previously mentioned cases and increasing coverage in the media led to the 2002 review of policy in the 2002 report by the Children’s Act Sub-Committee to the Lord Chancellor entitled Making Contact Work. Many of the issues raised in cases and through the work of pressure groups came to the fore in this report, including the issues of giving courts more power, reducing delays, promoting contact and increasing monitoring facilities so that contact orders are maintained. This report set the foundation for the 2004 Green paper and the subsequent Children and Adoption Act in 2005. The benefits of this act will be looked at next. Benefits of the Children and Adoption Act The Children and Adoption Act (2005) has been seen as a possible breakthrough in the fight against inequality for non-resident parents, and a step towards better contact once separation has occurred. In general terms, the Act is an acknowledgement that previous laws were inadequate in terms of contact orders and rights for non-resident parents in the face of non-compliance from resident parents. The first major benefit of this act is the new powers to promote contact through the use of contact direction activities. Previously, a non-compliant resident parent might feel that the non-resident parent is unfit or unsuitable to be allowed contact with the child or children. However, contact direction activities allow the resident parent to get reassurances that the non-resident parent is altering their behaviour and improving through various treatments and counselling. This can help promote contact and allow the parties involved to work towards an amicable solution. If this does not work, then the consequences of breaching the contact order are far clearer than they were before. Although non-compliant resident parents generally knew the consequences previously, they were not as firm as they are now or as enforceable. The new laws regarding punishment for breach are also a big improvement on the previous penalties of fines and imprisonment. The unpaid work punishment via an enforcement order is much more workable, and provides real consequences for the non-compliant parent as well as reducing the harm to the child. The further punishment of compensation is also better than a fine, as this money still stays within the parent unit and the financial situation and welfare of the child are taken into account. However, perhaps the most important benefit associated with this new bill is the increased monitoring facilities on offer, allowing for quicker decisions and a reduction in delays for non-resident parents. Through monitoring by CAFCASS and court officials, evidence regarding allegations made against parents can be quickly obtained and the status of compliance with the contact order can also be monitored. This acts as a deterrent against making unfounded allegations and breaching the contact order, and also allows for speedy reestablishment of contact should the order be broken. Overall, the Children and Adoption Act (2005) represents a definite improvement on previous legislation. Despite this, there are still many issues that are not resolved, especially in terms of gender bias. The next section will deal with these specific issues and how they relate to the new bill. Gender Issues Not Dealt With Although the bill is seen as an improvement on the 1989 legislation, it has still come in for much criticism for not dealing with the gender issues that are at the heart of debate on contact law. The new Children and Adoption Act does make it easier for contact laws to be enforced, but shies away from issues of gender bias that have been the major cause for concern for many people. The law still fails to deal with the major issue of gender bias towards mothers due to the large percentage of mothers who are the resident parents after separation, and the general socio-cultural bias in favour of the importance of mothers for children. It has also been noted by the aforementioned pressure groups that mothers often obstruct or at the very least fail to encourage contact for the non-resident father. It is believed that a more adequate solution to the problem would be to give an automatic 50:50 division to parents, thereby eliminating gender bias altogether. Although this is a very good idea in principle, in practical terms it is unlikely to work because of the possibly unsuitability of one parent in such situations, and so a 50:50 split might not be in the best interests of the children involved. Although it is generally accepted that the bias is still towards mothers, there is some evidence to suggest that the gender bias goes both ways, and is more a bias towards the non-resident parent than a gender specific issue. In Kielty (2005), the views a small sample of non-resident mothers in the UK, who now number over 130,000, are taken into account. It shows that although many of the non-resident mothers have a good relationship with their children and still have contact, that some are denied access due to the reluctance of the resident father to allow contact. In these cases, it has been no easier for the mothers to gain access than it has for the typical non-resident fathers. This study further shows how the Children and Adoption Act fails to deal with all aspects of the gender bias in contact cases, and due to the much higher number of non-resident fathers than non-resident mothers, the legislation can be seen as much more favourable to mothers than it is to fathers. One thing that was also made clear in the Kielty (2006) study and Sobolewski and King (2005) study is that these gender bias issues can be overcome, but only if the parents have a good relationship and are willing to work together. In the Kielty (2006) study, the mothers who generally had contact with their children were the ones who had voluntarily become the non-resident parent, and had a good level of cooperation with their ex-partners. The same was true in the Sobolewski and King (2005) study, where it found that high levels of parental cooperation allowed for increased levels of contact and less of a need for court proceedings. However, the study also found that cooperation after separation was fairly uncommon, with 66% of mothers saying the father of their child had no influence on the child’s upbringing. It is clear that more needs to be done than the current legislation allows for, and although the objectives of giving more power to the courts, reducing delays and improving monitoring have been met, the issues of gender bias and cooperation still need much work. The findings of this essay will now be concluded, and there will also be a look at what the future holds for parental contact legislation. Conclusions It is clear that the problems of the 1989 Children Act seen in various case examples, and the continued campaigning and media coverage of pressure groups have helped to shape the Children and Adoption Act of 2005. In many ways, this bill is a huge step forward in the fight to establish equality of contact with children for resident and non-resident parents after separation. There is a great improvement in the powers of the court to enforce the contact orders, and much more workable punishments for breaches. Also, monitoring has been improved with the cooperation of CAFCASS and so delays in getting contact orders and allegations analysed are being reduced. Also, the ability to promote contact through contact direction activities is a definite step in the right direction. It can be said that the three main objectives of increasing court powers, improving promotion of contact and improve contact order monitoring have all been achieved. However, there are still some major issues that have not been dealt with, namely the gender bias still in place against fathers. With so many more non-resident fathers than non-resident mothers, and the increased likelihood of mothers to deny access to fathers, the legislation still does not give fathers the equal rights to see their children that they deserve. In a bid to address this, the government is now trying to focus on improving cooperation between separated parents so as to ease conflict and reduce the problems of bias in the legislation. One way that this is being done is through pilot family resolution projects (Samuel, 2006). These pilot schemes have had a fairly low turnout, but have shown that agreements can be reached through an improvement in mutual parent understanding and cooperation. However, there is still a long way to go to make this scheme workable, and so far results are not much better than for in-court conciliation. The gender bias issue definitely needs to be dealt with through future legislation or more effective means of improving cooperation between parents. Also, the involvement of the children in this process is key, especially those older children. Their needs and opinions should be of paramount importance when deciding the outcome of contact disputes. The current legislation is definitely an improvement, but there is still much to be done if fathers are to have the same rights of contact as mothers after parental separation. Bibliography Clarke, C., Falconer, Hewitt, P. (2004) Parental Separation: Childrens Needs and Parents Responsibilities Green Paper, The Stationery Office, London Connolly, J., Kellet, J., Notley, C., Swift, L. and Trinder, L. (2006) Making contact happen or making contact work? The process and outcomes of in-court conciliation. Department for Constitutional Affairs Research Unit, London Department for Education and Skills DfES (2005) Children and Adoption Bill (HL) Explanatory Notes http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200506/cmbills/096/eii/06096x-.htm Edwards, J. (2006) Enforcement of Contact Orders A New Era? in Family Law. Vol. 36 pi 25- 130 ePolitix (2006) Children and Adoption Bill [HL] http://www.epolitix.com/EN/Legislauon/200505/9483aedc-eaac-4cla-be3a-4aOdcalOb330.htm Families Need Fathers FNF (2005) Parental Responsibility http://www.fnf.org.uk/pro.htm Fathers 4 Justice (2005) Fathers 4 Justice Campaign Objectives http://www.fathers-4-justice.org/campaign objectives/indexhtm Fathers 4 Justice (2005) Fathers 4 Justice Press Articles http://www.fathers-4-justice.org/press articles/index.htm Fawcett Society (2006) Family Courts Fact sheet http://www.fawcettsocietv.org.uk/documents/Family%20courts%20factsheet.doc (Accessed May 2006) Kelly, L. (2006) Real dads failed by clowns of F4J Opinion in The Sun. 21 January 2006 Kielty, S. (2005) Mothers are Non-resident Parents Too: A Consideration of Mothers Perspectives on Non-residential Parenting in The Journal of Social Welfare and Family Law. Vol 27 No.l p 1-16 O’Brien, M. Shemilt, I. (2003) Working Fathers: Earning and Caring, EOC Research Discussion Series, Equal Opportunities Commission, Manchester. OPSI (1989) The Children Act 1989 (c.41) http://www.opsi.gov.uk/acts/actsl989/Ukpga19890041 en 3.htm Samuel, M. (2006) Special Report on Family Resolution Schemes http://www.communitycare.co.uk/Articles/2006/03/10/53165/special-report-on-family-resolution-schemes.html Sarler, C (1991) Act of kindness for the children: Childrens Act in The Sunday Times. London, 13 October 1991 Wall, J (2005) Enforcement of Contact Orders in Family Law. Vol 35 p 26-32 Sobolewski, J. and King, V. (2005) The Importance of the Coparental Relationship for Non-resident Fathers ties to Children in The Journal of Marriage and Family. Vol 67 p 1196-1212